Category Archives: American Studies

Open Tennis and Open Minds: What Arthur Ashe Can Teach Us All

Guest post by Eric Allen Hall

As the recent events in Ferguson, Missouri, make clear, the fight for civil and human rights is far from over. The shooting of Michael Brown, an unarmed black teen, by a white police officer provides a window into contemporary race relations. The predominately African American protesters in Ferguson argue that whites don’t know what it’s like to be black in America, where people of color come under suspicion for criminal activity more frequently than whites. The same phenomenon plays out in the world of sports. One need look no further than the public and media reaction to Seattle Seahawks cornerback Richard Sherman’s televised comments following the NFC Championship to see how some black athletes are branded. In the minutes, hours, and days after his “tirade,” Sherman was labeled a “thug” and “ghetto,” despite graduating with honors from Stanford and not having a police record. Tim Wise, the author of White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son, suggests that blacks and whites fail to understand one another, and many, if not most, don’t even try. If honest and open dialogue is the key to breaking down racial barriers, as Wise and others contend, Arthur Ashe was decades ahead of his time.

The tennis great lost his battle with AIDS over twenty years ago, but his spirit and legend are very much alive as the U.S. Open gets underway on August 25. The stadium in Flushing bears his name, the gift shop sells prints of his victory over Tom Okker at the inaugural 1968 Open, and former and current players, old friends, and fans will soon gather and reminisce about his powerful serve and his commitment to sportsmanship. Ashe and the Open share a unique history, a past filled with milestones and controversy. Ashe made his first appearance at the U.S. Nationals, the precursor to the Open, in 1959 when he took on the “Rocket” Rod Laver. Ashe wasn’t even supposed to be there. He was black, the son of a working-class father, and from the Jim Crow South. Black youths in those days served drinks to wealthy white spectators. They did not face off against the world’s number one-ranked player.

Nine years later, much had changed. Forest Hills opened its doors for the first time to amateurs and professionals alike. Ashe had also grown up since losing to Laver. He had traveled the world, led UCLA to a national championship, dominated the Australian circuit, joined the Army, and starred for the U.S. Davis Cup team. Yet the “burden of being black” was ever present. Ashe’s trophies and accolades did not erase the fact that black men and women across America were fighting and dying for civil rights. Attending segregated schools in Richmond, being denied entry into tennis tournaments because of his race, and watching television newsreels of black demonstrators being beaten in Birmingham, Montgomery, and Selma made Ashe keenly aware of his race and his responsibilities to the civil rights movement.

The 1968 U.S. Open, as it turned out, would mark Ashe’s first Grand Slam title and the moment when he added his voice to the black cause. His defeat of Okker, a professional, in five sets was the first Grand Slam event won by an African-American man. The image of Ashe embracing his father at center court and acknowledging the white fans who cheered him from the grandstands resonated throughout America. Jackie Robinson wrote, “Proud of your greatness as a tennis player[,] prouder of your greatness as a man. Your stand should bridge the gap between races and inspire black people the world over and also affect the decency of all Americans.”

Robinson would be right. For the remaining twenty-five years of his life, Ashe made it his mission to bring together people of all races, ethnicities, and social classes. During his groundbreaking trip to South Africa in 1973, Ashe met with and debated black journalists, a prominent white cabinet member, and a pro-apartheid professor at an elite university. At the U.S. Open a year after his win over Okker, he spoke at length with a group of antiapartheid activists who insisted that he boycott the event in protest of the Open’s decision to hire a white South African director. Ashe talked and listened to all, especially those with whom he disagreed and even if the topic was controversial. Perhaps that’s Ashe’s greatest lesson to us all.

hallEric Allen Hall is an assistant professor in the history department at Georgia Southern University, Statesboro.  He is the author of Arthur Ashe: Tennis and Justice in the Civil Rights Era.



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Filed under African American Studies, American Studies, Current Affairs, For Everyone, Sports

Why the Amish Sing: Songs of Solidarity and Identity

Guest post by D. Rose Elder

elderThe media typically portray Amish characters as either disapproving, humorless, and colorless adults rigidly humming a solemn hymn to keep worldly thoughts at bay or conflicted, cocky, out-of-control rumspringa adolescents listening to ear-splitting rock and testing all the limits of decency. Of course, TV and the movies are by definition fantasy. But for many curious non-Amish these images lurk in their minds as at least partial truth.

While interviewing Amish families for my book Why the Amish Sing, I discovered a fuller picture. First and most importantly, to quote an Amish friend, “We’re human just like you are. We have the same temptations. We have to choose.” Music is one area where the Amish work at holding back the wild horses of modernity and secularism by carefully selecting the texts and tunes that nurture godliness, kindness and mutuality. I argue that music serves as one of the scaffoldings by which the Amish build and maintain boundaries and healthy community structures.

The soundtrack of an Amish life includes many noises from the modern world. Cars zip by even on remote back roads. A windmill or pump rubs and grinds, screeching metal-on-metal. The roaring whirr of a lawn mower shatters the silence. Nature’s sounds of birds trilling or cooing welcome the dawn. Horses nicker, and cows pleadingly moo, “Milk me.”

Human voices also adorn an Amish person’s day. A grandmother calmly provides directions for safely using scissors. A father petitions God for breath, strength, and the ability to forgive. A daughter’s lilt leads a favorite family song. High-pitched children’s voices gleefully encourage each other on the baseball field or buzz in loud whispers around the potbelly stove before school starts. An auctioneer coaxes up the price of a dozen eggs. In casual settings, several verses of “How Great Thou Art” ring in the air, or a German text about being a faithful child is sung to the tune of “Just As I Am” in unison or well-rehearsed harmony.

Last winter, a lovely Amish couple, Atlee and Mary Miller, invited some friends over and allowed my friend Steve Hebrock, a sound engineer, and me to record their singing. When we arrived, Atlee, his son, Daniel, and two friends, Steve and Jerry, were joking and amusing each other with personal stories. Mary joined us. We became caught up in the air of delight. This group of men was comfortable with each other with no social lubricant other than stove-brewed black coffee. Atlee told of his bus ride from his military induction appointment when the announcement came that world leaders had signed the armistice ending World War II. Steve mentioned a favorite moment in the chicken house with his son. The men enthusiastically sang Steve’s song, ““Ich war ein kleines Kindlein,” a meditation on the human condition. “What have I accomplished while I have been on this earth?” the singers asked.

I was a small child born into this world;

As to my time of death

I have nothing to say what happens on the earth;

I have created nothing in my time on earth.

The words require participants to accept their humanity and to devote themselves to their Creator. Mary, Atlee’s wife, adds that the words of that text are very touching.
Sung a third again as fast, the tune would sound like a cousin of the haunting British folk tune, “Barbara Allen.” But, at the pace the men sang, it is a bittersweet introspection that ends on a heartbreaking modal (mixolydian) flat ti (lengthened for emphasis), then do, re, do. Singing together provides the setting for Amish friends to share serious memories and keep their community’s stories vibrant.

D. Rose Elder is an associate professor of ethnomusicology and rural sociology and coordinator of humanities and social sciences at the Ohio State University Agricultural Technical Institute. She is the author of Why the Amish Sing: Songs of Solidarity and Identity, recently published by the Johns Hopkins University Press.

This post has also been published today on the Amish Wisdom Blog.

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Filed under American History, American Studies, Amish, Anabaptist & Pietist Studies

The song (like the flag) is still there

Guest post by Marc Ferris

The story of how The Star-Spangled Banner became America’s national anthem and what took Congress so long to designate it as such is a fascinating tale that reflects the give and take between the rulers and their subjects over national symbols, the symbiotic relationship between patriotism and religion, and the song’s adoption and adaptation by Americans of all political persuasions. Akin to the flag lionized by Francis Scott Key, the song is “still there” and will be for a long time because—like the Fourth of July, Flag Day, and other national holidays—it reflects the people’s will.

Star Spangled song sheetYet, there are occasional rumblings over the song. Many Americans complain about its melodic leaps, for example, though its range is the same as Silent Night (and when was the last time anyone complained about that Christmas chestnut?). America the Beautiful also contains an awkward jump in the chorus (at the first iteration of “America”), yet it has been a popular rival to The Star-Spangled Banner.

It’s worth remembering that the anthem never would have taken hold if ordinary Americans had trouble singing it during the 1800’s. The melody Key consciously borrowed, To Anacreon in Heaven, served as the bedrock for more than 80 other popular ditties from the late 1700’s through 1820. One of the reasons why The Star-Spangled Banner has fended off all challenges, in fact, is its distinctive melodic edge, which is lacking in other anthem alternatives, including Hail, Columbia, popular in the nineteenth century. Over the years, several campaigns have attempted to dislodge The Star-Spangled Banner from its official status, either by holding anthem contests or attempting to promote alternatives such as America the Beautiful and God Bless America. Both of these came too late to the party and suffered from serious limitations, including challenging, dated melodies and stilted, sometimes unmemorable words.

Despite the anthem’s familiarity, Americans do seem to have a hard time remembering the words to even the first verse (and there are four!). Perhaps people had better memories in the early 1800’s, since renditions of the anthem in that era routinely included all the words. In one joke that circulated during World War I, a solder returning from patrol in enemy territory encounters a checkpoint. The guard asks, “Who goes there?” The solder replies, “An American.” The sentinel responds, “Then recite the first verse of The Star-Spangled Banner.” The soldier answers, “I can’t remember it.” To that, the guard says, “Then pass, American.”

After the battle in Baltimore harbor in September 1814, the culmination of the War of 1812, the song spread rapidly, first by word of mouth and then in print (often without musical notation). The conflict represented a serious crisis to the country’s sovereignty and the outcome remained in doubt until Baltimoreans repulsed the British. Key captured the relief felt by many Americans, and his words served as a journalistic answer to the question, “What happened in Baltimore?”

Yet, over the years, his lyrics have also come under fire for being militaristic, even though Key merely related what he witnessed. If Americans still sang the fourth verse, they would know that Key, a pacifist who took up arms against England in 1814, reluctantly sanctioned war by writing “then conquer we must, when our cause it is just.” He also sought the approval of a higher power and devised a phrase that inspired the country’s official slogan: “And this be our motto ‘In God is Our Trust’” (parsed to “In God We Trust” and adopted by Congress in 1956).

Perhaps all the complaints simply reflect complacency, since the anthem is performed so often at ballgames, flag-raisings, school assemblies, and civic events. Yet one of the most chilling renditions of the song took place just last year, at the first Boston Bruins game after the marathon bombings. Singer Rene Rancourt started the song off, then stopped singing after a few bars and waved his microphone like a conductor’s wand. The crowd bellowed a moving and heartfelt version, proving that a determined group of randomly assembled Americans can indeed sing their anthem with emotion and purpose—if they want to.

ferrisMarc Ferris earned an M.A. in history from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. His work has appeared in the New York Times, Newsday, Time Out New York, Spin, Vibe, and elsewhere.  His book, Star-Spangled Banner: The Unlikely Story of America’s National Anthem, will be published by JHU Press in September.


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Filed under American History, American Studies, Baltimore, Holidays, Popular Culture, The War of 1812

Q&A with Donald Kraybill

From the Preface to the forthcoming Renegade Amish: Beard Cutting, Hate Crimes, and the Trial of the Bergholz Barbers:

Amish. Hate. Crimes. These three words suddenly linked arms in the fall of 2011 when a string of beard-cutting attacks startled the Amish community in eastern Ohio. The fact that the perpetrators were Amish generated an avalanche of news stories about Amish-on- Amish violence as the bizarre story played out until the defendants were sentenced in February 2013. Pundits and late-night talk shows alike poked fun at the Amish—these supposed saints who now had streaks of sin on their faces. Even a cartoonist joined in the humor by depicting a distraught Santa Claus with only stubbles on his chin, waiting in vain for children to sit on his lap. Apart from beards, bonnets, and buggies, nonviolence is a cardinal signature of Amish identity. That a band of supposedly pacifist Amish had assaulted their own people shattered all the Amish stereotypes in the popular imagination.

When this cultural brawl finally ended, ten men and six women from a maverick Amish community near Bergholz, Ohio, were behind bars. A federal jury found them guilty of multiple charges involving conspiracy, hate crimes, kidnapping, lying, and obstructing justice. Most shocking of all, the three Bergholz clergymen—Bishop Samuel Mullet and his two ministers—were among those charged and convicted. The jurors found evidence that the assailants had attacked the Amish victims because of their religion.

Apart from etching violence into the annals of Amish history, the case set a new legal precedent—under the 2009 Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr., Hate Crimes Prevention Act—for its first-time conviction of assailants for religion-driven hate crimes. Moreover, it was also the first one within the same faith community. In addition, because a hate crime conviction requires evidence of “bodily injury,” the jury had to judge whether cutting a beard qualified as disfigurement, which is one type of bodily injury. The verdicts stretched the definition of bodily injury for hate crimes and the nature of acceptable evidence for interstate commerce—one requirement for federal jurisdiction and prosecution of hate crimes. Some legal experts considered the interstate commerce evidence tenuous in the Bergholz case, and others have even raised questions about some aspects of the constitutionality of the Shepard-Byrd Act.

With his new book coming out in August, Donald Kraybill has stopped by the JHUP blog to answer a few questions about the Amish beard cutting scandal which shook the Amish community in late 2011.

Q: How did you first learn about the Ohio Amish beard cutting story?

A: I heard about it on various media in September 2011. I thought it was a joke at first or some kind of misunderstanding.

Q: Have beard cutting attacks happened before in Amish history?

A: This is a precedent. It never happened before these attacks by the Bergholz Amish community. It’s the most bizarre thing I’ve come across in researching and writing on the Amish of North America over the last 35 years.

Q: How did you get involved?

A: I was contracted in the spring of 2012 by the U. S. Department of Justice to assist them in the prosecution. I helped them to understand Amish beliefs and practices. In September 2012 I served as an expert witness for five hours during the three-week federal trial in Cleveland, which included 16 Amish defendants.

Q: Why did you write the book?

A: For several reasons. This was such a benchmark case in Amish history. I wanted to understand it better and also document it for historical purposes. I was also curious about the background of the Bergholz Amish which executed the attacks. Who were they? How were they transformed from a peace-loving group into a violent one? Were they, in fact, really Amish?

Q: How did you answer that question in the book?

A: I provide an abundance of evidence that shows many ways in which the Bergholz clan strayed from Orthodox Amish faith. Throughout the trial they maintained that they were Amish. They still use horse and buggy transportation and dress Amish-like. Of course there are no laws that prevent any group from claiming the Amish brand. In my judgment they are not Amish, at least not according to any conventional standard of Amish belief and practice.

Q: How do other Amish people view the Bergholz clan?

A: The 65,000 other Amish people in Ohio were greatly embarrassed and shamed by the beard cutting attacks. The attackers even included members of the Bergholz clergy. Another reason I wrote the book was to vindicate the thousands of sincere and devout Amish people in Ohio and other states whose Amish identity was maligned by these attacks

Q: Why did the federal Department of Justice become involved in what might appear as a petty Amish quarrel?

A: There were nine victims, sixteen offenders, and five different attacks in various counties. It would have been difficult to undertake multiple prosecutions in different counties for a host of reasons which I explain in the book. The federal prosecutors argued that the nature of the crimes and the fact that they involved interstate commerce made it possible to prosecute the offenders under the 2009 Shepard-Byrd Hate Crimes Act. The jury agreed and convicted the sixteen defendants with some 87 different criminal charges.

Q: What surprised you most about the story?

A: The case is now under appeal to the sixth circuit federal appellate court. Recently the national Anti-Defamation League pulled together a coalition of 40 different groups vigilant about civil rights abuses. These groups filed a friend of the court brief urging the appellate court to uphold the convictions. The coalition groups view the Amish convictions of federal hate crimes as a benchmark that will help to protect many other Americans from hate crime attacks. The case is especially pertinent for attacks motivated by the hatred of a person’s religion, sexual orientation, race, gender, or disability.

Q: What is the most important take away of the book?

A: The sad irony is that the hate crime convictions of some former pacifist Amish have helped to reinforce the long-standing American tradition that citizens are legally protected to practice their religious faith according to their conscience without fear of being attacked by those who may despise their religion.

Kraybill_RenegadeDonald B. Kraybill is a Distinguished College Professor and Senior Fellow at the Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies at Elizabethtown College. He is the author, coauthor, or editor of more than a dozen books on Amish culture, including The Riddle of Amish Culture, The Amish, and the upcoming book on the Bergholz Barbers, Renegade Amish.

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Flag Day and The Star-Spangled Banner

Guest post by Ralph Eshelman and Burt Kummerow

On June 14, 1777, the Continental Congress approved the design of a national flag. Since 1916, when President Woodrow Wilson issued a presidential proclamation establishing a national Flag Day on June 14, Americans have commemorated the adoption of the Stars and Stripes by celebrating June 14 as Flag Day. To encourage a better appreciation of the story behind the Star-Spangled Banner, we offer an edited  excerpt from our book, In Full Glory Reflected: Discovering the War of 1812 in the Chesapeake.

A Flag and a Song

“Then, in that hour of deliverance, and joyful triumph, the heart spoke; and, Does not such a country, and such defenders of their country, deserve a song?”—Francis Scott Key, 1836

It all began with an arrest. Sixty-five-year-old Dr. William Beanes (1749-1828) of Upper Marlboro was a respected physician and Revolutionary War veteran well known in the Washington region. He had cordially entertained both General Robert Ross and Admiral George Cockburn when the British Army marched through on its way to attack Washington.

Ralph 4 SSBThe trouble began when the British were returning to their ships. Enemy stragglers were looting in the neighborhood and Dr. Beanes helped local citizens arrest the troublemakers. The British brass was not amused. Dr. Beanes, arrested in his bed, soon found himself and two companions in irons on board a Royal Naval ship. The next stop might be Halifax, Nova Scotia, or, even worse, England’s Dartmoor Prison.

Richard West, a close friend of the doctor, approached his brother-in-law, the influential 35-year-old Georgetown lawyer Francis Scott Key (1779–1843), for assistance. He was well-connected in the Federal City. Key met with President Madison who then met with General John Mason, the commissary general of prisoners. They approved a mission to seek the release of Beanes and requested that Key accompany American Prisoner Exchange Agent John Stuart Skinner. In Baltimore they boarded a flag of truce packet ship and sailed south to the British fleet near the mouth of the Potomac River. Boarding Admiral Cochrane’s flagship, HM Ship-of-the-Line Tonnant, the party was greeted coldly by the senior British officers when the purpose of their mission was revealed. At first General Ross was unwilling to release the doctor. However, when letters from wounded Englishmen were shown lauding Beane’s medical treatment, the General and his naval colleagues agreed to let the doctor go. They also detained the truce party so as not to allow them to report about the British plans to attack Baltimore. Before the battle, Key, Skinner, and Dr. Beanes were returned to their truce boat still under guard. There, they unwittingly found themselves at the very center of the Battle for Baltimore.

: Mary Pickergill, along with many helpers, hand sewed the new garrison flag for Fort McHenry in 1813.

Mary Pickergill, along with many helpers, hand sewed the new garrison flag for Fort McHenry in 1813.

If not during the bombardment of Fort McHenry, all three gentlemen undoubtedly saw the flag flying over the fort when they entered Baltimore harbor two days after the British fleet withdrew down the Patapsco, having failed to take the fort or the city. The garrison flag (30’ x 42’) was commissioned by the fort’s commander, Major George Amristead, along with a smaller storm flag (17’ x’25’) the year before. The flagmaker, Mary Pickersgill, a thirty-seven-year-old widow, was an experienced ship and signal flag maker. She labored on the garrison flag for seven weeks with her 13-year-old daughter Caroline, two nieces (13-year-old Eliza Young and 15-year-old Margaret Young), a 13-year-old African American indentured servant, Grace Wisher, and possibly her old mother, Rebecca Young, who had taught her the trade. They pieced together strips of loosely woven English wool bunting, then laid the whole flag out on the floor of a brewery near Mrs. Pickersgill’s Pratt Street house.

Key and his colleagues had perhaps the most unique location to observe the bombardment among all Americans, since they had a front row seat among the enemy for the drama that unfolded. At dawn, the men were all straining to see the fort and the flag. The British stopped their bombardment and an eerie quiet settled over the harbor. The three Americans slowly realized the British were retiring. The attack was over.

This is the first published version of the “Star-Spangled Banner” that identified the author but incorrectly refers to Francis Scott Key as “B. Key, Esqr.”  Note at the beginning of the song it states “With Spirit.”

This is the first published version of the “Star-Spangled Banner” that identified the author but incorrectly refers to Francis Scott Key as “B. Key, Esqr.” Note at the beginning of the song it states “With Spirit.”

In Baltimore, Key spent the evening at the Indian Queen Hotel. It is there that he wrote the four stanzas to a tune that he probably had dancing in his brain on the truce ship. That original manuscript, entitled “The Defence of Fort M’Henry” and written with only a few corrections, is on display today at the Maryland Historical Society.

From the beginning, Key intended for the stanzas to be sung “To Anacreon in Heaven,” an eighteenth-century English club song that was already popular in America. An amateur poet and lyricist, he had been toying before with both the patriotic ideas in the lyric and the tune of the song.

Bands played the song regularly during the Civil War, and the U.S. Navy made it an official part of their flag ceremonies in 1889. President Woodrow Wilson ordered it be played for military ceremonies during World War I. President Herbert Hoover finally signed a law on March 3, 1931, making “The Star Spangled Banner” the official anthem of the United States.

After a decade long, multi-million dollar restoration, the Star-Spangled Banner flag is again on permanent display at the National Museum of American History in the nation’s capital.

 eshelman2012Ralph E. Eshelman is a cultural resource consultant, historian, researcher, and writer; he is the author of A Travel Guide to the War of 1812 in the Chesapeake and coauthor of The War of 1812 in the Chesapeake, both published by JHU Press. Burton K. Kummerow is president and CEO of the Maryland Historical Society and president of Historyworks, Inc. Together, they are coauthors of In Full Glory Reflected: Discovering the War of 1812 in the Chesapeake, published by the MdHS Press in collaboration with the Maryland Historical Trust, the National Park Service,  and the Maryland War of 1812 Bicentennial Commission. Images from the book used in this blog post appear courtesy of the Maryland Historical Society, the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, and illustrator Gerry Embleton.


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Filed under American History, American Studies, Baltimore, Regional-Chesapeake Bay, The War of 1812, Washington

Meet us in Baltimore: Society of Civil War Historians

By Robert J. Brugger

It will be a great pleasure to welcome members of the Society of Civil War Historians to Baltimore, scene of so many events leading up to the sectional conflict and such deep division during and after the war itself.  William Lloyd Garrison stood trial here for supposedly defaming the character of a slave dealer.  Frederick Douglass learned to read in Fells Point.  Confederate sympathizers on Pratt Street, resisting the passage of Massachusetts troops, produced the first bloodshed of the war on the anniversary of Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1861.  In the spring of the following year a pro-Union mob attacked a Southern-leaning social club at Franklin and Cathedral streets, enraged that, following the Battle of Front Royal, Confederate Marylanders reportedly had shot into the ambulances of Union Marylanders.  After the Battle of Gettysburg, Union military authorities arrested males members of Baltimore families burying Confederate dead in local cemeteries.

As a high-school student in Hagerstown, I happily fell under the spell of Civil War history.  I’ll not likely grow tired of reading it, and I’d like to think that books Johns Hopkins has published on the topic in the past two decades have owed something to that boyhood fascination.  I’m of course proud of all of them, though I would point to the work of Margaret Humphreys as extremely important to the history of medicine during the war and wartime (and the history of medicine and surgery generally).  Non-academic readers understandably await the next of Ron Coddington’s “Faces of” series with eager anticipation (the next will explore Union and Confederate sailors and marines).  Michael Burlingame’s massive Abraham Lincoln may be the most enduring single title I have had any connection with at Johns Hopkins.  As a Vietnam vet, I call special attention to Michael C. C. Adams’s compelling and sobering view of the war (that is, of war).

We continue to search for meritorious work in the era and have some exciting new Civil War and society books in development, among them Scott Hartwig’s reappraisal of the Battle of Antietam; an examination of Union engineering expertise; a fresh assessment of Lincoln’s war governors, the first since that of William B. Hesseltine in the late 1940s; a new look at the problem of military mobilization in major Union cities; and, an especially promising project, the prelude to war, the conflict itself, and its aftermath as a study in Southern generational experience.

SCWH Featured New and Bestselling Titles:

Faces of the Civil War: An Album of Union Soldiers and Their Stories, byRonald S. Coddington
African American Faces of the Civil War: An Album, by Ronald S. Coddington

Secession Winter: When the Union Fell Apart, by Robert J. Cook, William L. Barney, Elizabeth R. Varon
To Antietam Creek: The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, by D. Scott Hartwig
Marrow of Tragedy: The Health Crisis of the American Civil War, by Margaret Humphreys
Soldiering for Freedom: How the Union Army Recruited, Trained, and Deployed the U.S. Colored Troops, by Bob Luke and John David Smith

Senior Acquisitions Editor Robert J. Brugger, PhD, acquires books in American History, American Studies, History of Technology, and regional topics for the JHU Press. In Baltimore, meet Bob and the Press at our space at the Sheraton Inner Harbor Hotel from June 12 to 14.  Use the SCWH discount code HEYT to receive a 30% discount on all books featured in this blog post or mention this code when calling in your order at 1-800-537-5487. Check out the SCWH online; read more about the SCWH Biennial Meeting; and/or follow the JHU Press on Facebook and Twitter.


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Filed under Acquisitions, African American Studies, American History, American Studies, Baltimore, Civil War, Civil War, Conferences, History of Medicine, History of technology, Military

Forever in his debt: George C. Marshall

Guest post by Mame Warren

Reading other people’s mail, particularly when one of the correspondents is George C. Marshall, provides an absorbing opportunity to delve into stories behind the official history. One of the towering figures of the twentieth century, Marshall helped orchestrate the Allied victory in World War II as chief of staff of the US Army, although he is best remembered for the European Recovery Program—universally known as the Marshall Plan—which he first proposed on June 5, 1947, as secretary of state under President Harry S. Truman. This year, as we prepare to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the dedication of the George C. Marshall Research Library in Lexington, Virginia, I’ve learned a lot about the genesis of the foundation that made the research library—and my fascinating job helping to edit the seventh and final volume of The Papers of George Catlett Marshall—a reality.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton received a copy of The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, volume 6, “The Whole World Hangs in the Balance,” January 8, 1947–September 30, 1949 on one of her final days in office.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton received a copy of The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, volume 6, “The Whole World Hangs in the Balance,” January 8, 1947–September 30, 1949 on one of her final days in office.

One of Harry Truman’s last acts before leaving office was to issue a presidential directive on January 17, 1953, to the secretaries of state and defense and the head of the General Services Administration advising them that “The Board of Visitors of the Virginia Military Institute has arranged for the organization of the George C. Marshall Research Foundation, Inc., as a non-profit Virginia corporation. The purpose of the Foundation will be to collect and receive papers and records with other historical objects and documents, and to provide a suitable building to house them at VMI. To assist in effectuating this, the General Assembly of Virginia has enacted legislation authorizing VMI to deed land to the Foundation.”

“The establishment of the Foundation has been a matter of great interest to me,” Truman continued, “and I have consulted with VMI officials about it over a period of more than a year. In connection with these conferences, I have agreed that the United States Government would in so far as practicable make available to the Foundation documentary material relating to the activities of General Marshall as a soldier, as Secretary of State, and as Secretary of Defense.”

President Lyndon B. Johnson was the keynote speaker at the dedication of the Marshall Library on May 23, 1964. He was escorted down the steps by General Marshall’s close friend and Marshall Foundation President General of the Army Omar Bradley.

President Lyndon B. Johnson was the keynote speaker at the dedication of the Marshall Library on May 23, 1964. He was escorted down the steps by General Marshall’s close friend and Marshall Foundation President General of the Army Omar Bradley.

Many meetings and much correspondence ensued among Marshall’s former colleagues and many admirers who believed, as Winston Churchill did, that “Succeeding generations must not be allowed to forget his achievements and example.” Marshall, who had steadfastly refused to write his memoirs, professing that he had been compensated adequately for his service to his country, was reluctant to become involved. Finally, on December 22, 1954, General Marshall wrote to John C. Hagan, the first president of the Marshall Foundation, “In accordance with your request, I will turn over to the Foundation those documents in my personal possession which may legally and appropriately be made a part of the collection being assembled by the Foundation.”

When the New York Times announced on December 31, 1955, plans to build the George C. Marshall Research Library and to publish his papers, letters and checks of support quickly followed. “I shall feel forever in your debt, sir, and I always will admire, respect and remember your name and what you have done,” wrote World War II veteran and New York businessman Edward M. Rosenthal, who included a check for one thousand dollars.

The library dedication drew more dignitaries and the largest crowd that Lexington had ever welcomed. Audience estimates ranged from ten to twenty thousand and security was tight when President Johnson took the podium just months after the Kennedy assassination.

The library dedication drew more dignitaries and the largest crowd that Lexington had ever welcomed. Audience estimates ranged from ten to twenty thousand and security was tight when President Johnson took the podium just months after the Kennedy assassination.

Rosenthal considered himself the “happiest citizen, luckiest human being because I live in America. You, sir, I feel have done much to make it possible for me and my family to have what we possess,” he told Marshall. On June 5 in Lexington we will observe the fulfillment of the Marshall Foundation founders’ vision. And on June 6 we’ll get back to work on volume 7 of the Marshall Papers.

For more on George Marshall and his legacy, please visit the Marshall Foundation online.

The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, Vol. 6Mame Warren is a senior assistant editor of The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, based at the George C. Marshall Research Library in Lexington, Virginia, which will celebrate its fiftieth anniversary on June 5. Warren spent twelve years as director of Hopkins History Enterprises at the Johns Hopkins University, and edited Johns Hopkins: Knowledge for the World, 1876–2001; Our Shared Legacy: Nursing Education at Johns Hopkins, 1899–2006; and Transit to Tomorrow: Fifty Years of Space Research at the Johns Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory. With her father, Marion E. Warren, she coauthored Bringing Back the Bay; Maryland Time Exposures, 1840–1940; and Baltimore: What She Was When She Used to Be, published by Johns Hopkins University Press.

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